The unholy alliance that has existed in Kenya since 1992, and “Who was Robert Mugabe, an icon or a despot?”

The year 1992 will always be a significant year for many Kenyans because it is the year that Kenya made a return to multi-party politics after 23 years of single party rule. The ruling party in Kenya in 1992 was the Kenya African National Union (KANU), and KANU looked headed for defeat by the Kenyan opposition at the 1992 Kenyan elections. KANU had ruled Kenya since independence in 1963 and many Kenyans felt shortchanged by Kenya’s 29 year rule at the time in 1992, hence the general view and general perception that KANU was headed for defeat at the Kenyan General Elections of December 1992. However by the time of the Kenyan elections of December 1992, the opposition had split up into three main political parties that is the Forum for the Restoration of Democracy – Kenya (FORD-Kenya), the Forum for the Restoration of Democracy – Asili (FORD-Asili), and the Democratic Party (DP), giving passage to victory at the December 1992 polls by then incumbent Kenyan President Daniel T. arap Moi and KANU.

Did KANU however print money to fund it’s high profile 1992 election campaigns? It is hard to believe otherwise.

Towards the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF), instituted a wave of reforms known as Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs), across the entire spectrum of the Third World. Governments across the Third World, which Kenya was and remains a part of, were expected to cut back on public spending, were expected to drastically reduce Government subsidies in all sectors, were expected to privatise key State owned enterprises, were expected to liberalise their economies, were expected to re-introduce multi-party politics, and were expected to institute wide spread retrenchments across the Civil Service. The 1960s, the 1970s and the 1980s were over, and funding from the West to the Third World was cut back drastically starting the late 1980s.

For example, in Zambia, the then Zambian Government of Dr. Kenneth Kaunda, courtesy of the said Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs), was forced to drastically reduce Government subsidies on maizemeal in Zambia, maizemeal prices shot up drastically in Zambia, which led to widespread riots in Zambia in 1990 and 1991, and which led to Dr. Kenneth Kaunda and the United Independence Party (UNIP), being deposed from power in 1991 by Frederick Chiluba and the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD). It is said that Kenya’s Mau Mau Rebellion of 1946 to 1960 greatly inspired liberation movements all across Africa and beyond, and at the beginning of 1990s, Frederick Chiluba and the Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD) greatly inspired democracy movements all across Africa because Frederick Chiluba and the MMD accomplished in Zambia and Africa as a whole, what many Africans felt was impossible that is, regime change at the ballot box.

There were also regime changes in other parts of Africa in the 1990s including Malawi, Chad, Nigeria, Zaire (known today as the Democratic Republic of Congo), Somalia, Ethiopia, Rwanda and Burundi.

Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs), hit hard across the entire Third World in the 1990s, including the entire length and breadth of Africa, including Kenya, so the painful restructuring and price hikes experienced in Kenya in the 1990s were bound to come in one form or another that is whether or not KANU allegedly printed money to fund it’s high profile 1992 campaigns.

For example Flt. Lt. Jerry Rawlings in Ghana remained bitter & opposed to Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs), throughout the 1990s and SAPs appear to be what prevented Flt. Lt. Jerry Rawlings from staying in office as Ghanaian President beyond 2001. The Ghanaian currency that is, the Cidi and the Nigerian currency, the Naira were both drastically devalued in the 1990s, similar to Kenya Shilling devaluations of the 1990s, causing unrest in Ghana and Nigeria.

In general actually, there was unrest across West Africa in the 1990s for instance the civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone in the 1990s, both civil wars related to Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs), dysfunctionality and disruption brought about by SAPs, and stagnation in economies in West Africa at the time.

However KANU nevertheless clearly appears to have printed money back in 1992, because the immediate after effects and hyper inflation experienced in Kenya after the 1992 elections, were not experienced in Zambia after the Zambian elections of 1991, nor were they experienced in Malawi after the Malawian elections of 1994, two of the most spectacular and inspiring elections in Africa of the 1990s which both brought about unexpected and unanticipated regime changes at the ballot box.

Why however hasn’t KANU and/or then Kenyan President Daniel T. arap Moi ever been taken to task over the allegations of printed money at the 1992 Kenyan elections? The then FORD-Asili Chairman Kenneth Matiba, the then FORD-Kenya Chairman Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, and the then DP Chairman Mwai Kibaki, came out jointly at a press conference in late December 1992 to disown the election result showing that Daniel T. arap Moi and KANU had won the 1992 Kenyan elections, stating amongst other things, that the elections had been openly rigged. No mention of printed money was however made or has ever been made.

Were FORD-Kenya, FORD-Asili and DP also beneficiaries of the “printed money?

As the years 1993, 1994 and 1995 gradually progressed, and as the 1990s in general continued to progress, scathing allegations revolving around the 1992 elections continued to emerge.

For instance, FORD-Asili became the majority political party in Parliament after the 1992 elections, but owing to defections from FORD-Asili to KANU, FORD-Asili lost it’s majority in Parliament, leading to FORD-Kenya becoming the official opposition party, and Jaramogi Oginga Odinga taking over from Kenneth Matiba as the new Head of the Official Opposition in Kenya.

The Head of the Official Opposition in Kenya at the time automatically became the Chairman of the powerful and influential oversight organ, the Public Accounts Committee (PAC). As Chairman of PAC, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga did not disclose that he had received a personal donation of two million Kenya Shillings from Kenyan Asian businessman Kamlesh Pattni during the 1992 elections. Kamlesh Pattni is associated with one of biggest financial and economic scandals in Kenya, the Goldenburg Scandal, in which billions of Kenya Shillings in fictitious claims were made by Kamlesh Pattni’s Goldenburg Company from the Central Bank of Kenya, for fictitious exports abroad by the Goldenburg Company, of gold, diamonds and other precious stones.

The non-disclosure by Jaramogi Oginga Odinga of receipt of a two million Kenya Shilling donation from Kamlesh Pattni came as a big blow and embarassment to Jaramogi Oginga Odinga because Kamlesh Pattni’s Goldenburg Company was later on given a clean bill of health by the Public Accounts Committee (PAC). Jaramogi Oginga Odinga passed away on 20th January 1994, and Michael Kijana Wamalwa took over from Jaramogi Oginga Odinga as Head of the Official Opposition in Kenya and Chairman of PAC, and it was actually PAC under the Chairmanship of Michael Kijana Wamalwa that gave Kamlesh Pattni’s Goldenburg Company a clean bill of health. However a connection between Goldenburg’s clean bill of health and Jaramogi Oginga Odinga’s undisclosed receipt of a campaign donation of two million Kenya Shillings from Kamlesh Pattni at the 1992 Kenyan elections continues to made, understandably so. Additionally, Michael Kijana Wamalwa always maintained that the report by PAC giving Goldenburg and Kamlesh Pattni a clean bill of health was already in it’s final stages by the time Michael Kijana Wamalwa took over as PAC Chairman, and all that Michael Kijana Wamalwa did was to endorse the PAC report by appending his signature to the PAC report. Michael Kijana Wamalwa later briefly served as Vice-President of Kenya under Mwai Kibaki in 2003, before he passed away on 22nd August 2003.

Later on, Kamlesh Pattni made even more damaging allegations by publicly claiming that he paid Paul Muite a bribe of 20 million Kenya Shillings, and Paul Muite’s stature and political career has never recovered since. Paul Muite is a one time Member of Parliament for Kabete constituency, and a one time 1st Vice-Chairman of FORD-Kenya, when Jaramogi Oginga Odinga was Chairman of FORD-Kenya. Paul Muite would infact have taken over as FORD-Kenya Chairman, Head of the Official Opposition in Kenya and PAC Chairman when Jaramogi Oginga Odinga passed away on 20th January 1994, had Paul Muite not hurriedly resigned as FORD-Kenya 1st Vice-Chairman after the 1992 Kenyan elections.

KANU has never cleared itself from allegations of printing money at the 1992 elections, and FORD-Kenya under Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Ford-Asili under Kenneth Matiba, and DP under Mwai Kibaki cannot escape blame and responsibility for this, begging the question as to whether FORD-Kenya, FORD-Asili and DP also benefited from “printed money,” because the campaigns of KANU, FORD-Kenya, FORD-Asili and DP were all high profile at the 1992 Kenyan elections. For example, KANU, FORD-Kenya, FORD-Asili and DP all had full colour posters for their presidential candidates i.e. Daniel T. arap Moi, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Kenneth Matiba and Mwai Kibaki, and full colour campaign posters were particularly expensive in those days, and out of reach for quite literally everyone i.e. limited campaign budgets in those days simply could not cater for campaign posters in full colour. Later on in 1993 at a mammoth opposition rally at Nairobi’s Uhuru Park, Kenneth Matiba declared that he and President Daniel T. arap Moi were “still friends,” and that he, Matiba, was still a “KANU life member.” Later on in 1993 too, the then Secretary-General of FORD-Asili, Martin Shikuku, also declared that he was still a “KANU life member.” As a matter of fact, soon before the 1992 elections, Martin Shikuku made a secret undisclosed visit to State House Nairobi where Shikuku met President Moi, as secret and undisclosed meeting at State House Nairobi, as Jaramogi Oginga Odinga’s secret undisclosed personal campaign donation of two million Kenya Shillings from Kamlesh Pattni in 1992. When Martin Shikuku was questioned about his secret visit to State House Nairobi and meeting with President Moi soon before the 1992 Kenyan elections, Shikuku claimed that it was “no big deal,” and that he had merely gone to have an evening meal of “ugali” (maizemeal), with President Moi.

Jaramogi Oginga Odinga and Michael Kijana Wamalwa also never satisfactorily cleared their names from the debacle of Goldenburg and Kamlesh Pattni and how PAC eventually gave both Goldenburg and Kamlesh Pattni a clean bill of health, and Paul Muite has still not cleared his name of the public allegation by Paul Muite that Muite received a bribe of 20 million Kenya Shillings from Kamlesh Pattni. Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Michael Kijana Wamalwa and Paul Muite packaged themselves as reformers and liberators, but what instead has happened is that Kenyans have been taken for a ride non-stop since 1992.

For example, in 1993, Raila Odinga, the then FORD-Kenya Member of Parliament for Langata constituency, tabled documents in Parliament that showed that an astronomical amount of money i.e. 24 billion Kenya Shillings had been moved around four Kenyan banks that have since collapsed, in the short space of 24 hours, the four banks then being Exchange Bank, Trust Bank, Trade Bank and Daima Bank. The two major shareholders in Exchange Bank, before it collapsed, were Kamlesh Pattni and founding Director of the Directorate of Security Intelligence (DSI) “Special Branch”, James Kanyotu, Trust Bank was once owned by Ketan Somaia now serving a jail sentence in the United Kingdom, and Daima Bank is associated with a former Deputy Governor of the Central Bank of Kenya. The documents tabled by Raila Odinga in Parliament in 1993 could have brought down a Government elsewhere in the world, but the KANU Government remained intact for another nine years. Was there complicity on the part of the Kenyan opposition back then, including complicity on the part of Raila Odinga himself?

In 1996, Raila Odinga launched a drive for the Kenyan public to buy the troubled Kisumu Molasses Factory. Each “shareholder” paid an amount of five Kenya Shillings to revive the Kisumu Mollasses Factory and gain a controlling stake in the Kisumu Mollasses Factory. Literally all of the people who paid five Kenya shillings each for a controlling stake in the Kisumu Molasses Factory were from Raila Odinga’s Luo Community, but after 23 years the Kisumu Molasses Factory still remains moribund and the large sums of money paid for it’s revival and for a controlling stake, still remain unaccounted for.

Exit out-going President Daniel T. arap Moi and KANU on 30th December 2002, and enter in-coming President Mwai Kibaki and “reformers” known as the National Rainbow Coalition (NARC), and the ride that Kenyans have been taken for since 1992 continues.

Scandals continued to unfold in the Mwai Kibaki era. For example the multi-billion shilling CharterHouse Bank scandal. Uchumi Supermarkets went bust in 2006, and the then Trade Ministry under Minister Dr. Mukhisa Kituyi and Permanent Secretary Dr. David Nalo (RIP) pumped an astronomical amount of money into reviving Uchumi Supermarkets that is 600 million Kenya Shillings, part of which could have been used to open an entirely new supermarket chain, about 200 million Kenya Shillings, and the remainder of 400 million Kenya Shillings used for an entirely different and needy project, which there are no shortage of in Kenya. Uchumi Supermarkets is still moribund and insolvent after 13 years, and after swallowing up 600 million Kenya Shillings. It emerged that one of the reasons Uchumi Supermarkets collapsed was that Uchumi Supermarkets was remitting taxes, levies and duties to the Central Kenya Government, while Uchumi’s main competitors, Nakumatt Supermarkets, was not. And which three high profile Kenyans were present in 2006 when Nakumatt Supermarkets launched their flagship Afrigas Gas Cylinders…? Then Kenyan Vice-President Moody Awori, and then Kenyan Cabinet Ministers, Stephen Kalonzo Musyoka and Raila Odinga, meaning that Moody Awori, Stephen Kalonzo Musyoka and Raila Odinga contributed to the fall of Uchumi Supermarkets, a prestigious Kenyan parastatal, that has not just fallen, but also gobbled an astronomical amount of 600 million Kenya Shillings back in 2006.

Also in 2006, three Cabinet Ministers were suspended to pave way for corruption allegations in their Ministries i.e. David Mwiraria (RIP), Prof. George Saitoti (RIP), and Kiraitu Murungi. All three are later cleared of wrong doing and re-instated. Kiraitu Murungi is today the Governor of Meru County, Kenya. Back then in the early years of the NARC Government, Kiraitu Murungi was also famously recorded by then Permanent Secretary for Ethics, John Githongo, asking Githongo to “go easy” on corruption cases involving senior Kenya Government officials at the time, and in return, Kiraitu Murungi would use his influence and that of others in Government to alleviate pressure on a bank that was demanding payment for an outstanding loan owed by John Githongo’s father. Soon after the 2002 elections, Kiraitu Murungi had famously asked out-going Kenyan President Daniel T. arap Moi to go back to his Kabarak Farm and “herd goats,” and watch what “good governance” was about from his Kabarak Farm as he “herded goats,” the very same Kiraitu Murungi who was now caught on tape pleading for leniency for corruption from John Githongo.

The Kenyan elections of 2007 were shambolic and openly stolen in favour of Mwai Kibaki and the Party of National Unity (PNU), against Raila Odinga and the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM). Mwai Kibaki and PNU, Raila Odinga and ODM, and Stephen Kalonzo Musyoka and the Orange Democratic Movement – Kenya (ODM-Kenya), were forced into a Grand Coalition Government by a panel of eminent persons chaired by one time United Nations Secretary-General, Dr. Kofi Annan (RIP), with Mwai Kibaki as President, Raila Odinga as Prime Minister and Stephen Kalonzo Musyoka as Vice-President. Bitter rivalries persisted between Mwai Kibaki, Raila Odinga and Stephen Kalonzo throughout the five year duration of the Grand Coalition Government, 2008 to 2013.

During the duration of the five year Grand Coalition Government emerged all manner of scandals that remain unresolved to this day for example the maize scandal and the sugar scandal. Raila Odinga and the Prime Minister’s Office were implicated in the maize scandal and the “Kazi kwa vijana” (“Creation of employment for youth”) loss of funds scandal, as a result of which Dr. Mohamed Isahakia, Permanent Secretary in the Prime Minister’s Office and Caroli Omondi, Administrative Secretary in the Prime Minister’s Office, stepped aside for investigations. Dr. Isahakia and Caroli Omondi, like David Mwiraria, Prof. George Saitoti and Kiraitu Murungi, were however cleared of wrong doing and later reinstated.

Also between 2008 and 2013, then Member of Parliament for Budalangi, Ababu Namwamba, spectacularly tabled documents in Parliament implicating then Kenyan 1st Lady Lucy Kibaki and her children in the sugar scandal via Gingalili (1968) Limited. The next day, 24 hours later, Ababu Namwamba withdrew the very same documents he had tabled implicating then Kenyan 1st Lady Lucy Kibaki and her children in the sugar scandal via Gingalili (1968) Limited. It has never been known what transpired in the 24 hour period.

Also between 2008 and 2013, then Internal Security Minister Prof. George Saitoti, tabled documents in Parliament implicating Hon. William Kabogo, Hon. Ali Hasssan Joho, Hon. Harun Mwau (“The Boss”) and Hon. Mike Mbuvi Sonko as “drug dealers,” with Prof. George Saitoti further stating that all four gentlemen were on “the radar of not just the Kenyan Government, but the US Government too.”

Others implicated in scandals in Kenya between 2008 and 2013 in Kenya, include then Deputy Prime Minister and Local Government Minister Uhuru Kenyatta, today Kenya’s President, for allegedly receiving bribes to nominate councillors, Uhuru Kenyatta’s successor at the Local Government Ministry, Musalia Mudavadi, for the alleged dubious purchase at a highly inflated price of a cemetery by the then Nairobi City Council, the alleged disappearance of Free Primary Education (FPE) funds at the Education Ministry in which were implicated then Education Minister Prof. Sam Ongeri and two separate Education Ministry Permanent Secretaries back then Prof. Karega Mutahi and Prof. James ole Kiyaipi, the alleged dubious sale of Kenya’s Embassy in Tokyo, Japan, implicating then Foreign Affairs Minister Moses Wetangula (“Weta”), and then Foreign Affairs Permanent Secretary Mwangi Thuita, and alleged irregular dealings at Kenya’s Agriculture Minister, then headed by William Ruto, who is today Kenya’s Deputy President. Three other Permanent Secretaries were also suspended between 2008 and 2013, Dr. Romano Kiome at the Agriculture Ministry, Sammy Kirui at the Local Government Ministry, and Ali Mohamed at the Special Programmes Ministry. Despite this, there are still many Kenyans who feel and insist that the Mwai Kibaki Presidency of 2002 to 2013, is “the best thing to have happended to Kenya so far.” Much earlier on Stephen Kalonzo Musyoka was implicated in the irregular acquisition of a farm from the Masongaleni land scheme, previously owned by the National Youth Service (NYS).

The Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (E.A.C.C.) is in shambles. In recent years, one E.A.C.C. Director has been forced to resign because of a scandalous conflict of interest that is Prof. P.L.O. Lumumba, and two different E.A.C.C. Chairpersons have also been forced to resign because of scandalous conflicts of interest, Mumo Matemu and Philip Kinisu.

None of the above matters have satisfactorily been concluded, and satisfactorily given a clean bill of health, like in the matters above of Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Michael Kijana Wamalwa and Paul Muite, but despite this, Uhuru Kenyatta is today President of Kenya, Willliam Ruto is today Deputy President of Kenya, Raila Odinga looks set to return to government, Prof. Sam Ongeri is today the Senator of Kisii County, Moses Wetangula (“Weta”) has been Senator of Bungoma County since 2013, William Kabogo was Governor of Kiambu County from 2013 to 2017, Ali Hassan Joho has been Governor of Mombasa County since 2013, and Mike Sonko Mbuvi was Senator of Nairobi County from 2013 to 2017, and has indeed been Governor of Nairobi County since 2017.

The Uhuru Kenyatta Presidency that commenced on 9th April 2013 has also witnessed several unresolved scandals.

In 2015, during his State of the Nation Speech in Parliament, President Uhuru Kenyatta tabled a list of 175 individuals in Kenya involved in high level corruption. No meaningful or substantive action has been taken following the report tabled by President Uhuru Kenyatta four years ago in 2015.

Between 2013 and 2017, five Cabinet Secretaries/Cabinet Ministers out of eighteen, just under one-third, were forced to step aside to pave way for alleged corruption and alleged improprieties in their Ministries namely; Eng. Michael Kamau, Charity Ngilu, Felix Koskei, Kazungu Kambi and Emmanuel Chirchir. Charity Ngilu is today the Governor of Kitui County, and Kazungu Kambi was recently vetted by Parliament to sit on a State sanctioned Commission as a Commissioner. Later on Ann Waiguru resigned her position as Devolution Cabinet Secretary in connection with the 1st National Youth Service (NYS) scandal. Both the 1st and the 2nd National Youth Service (NYS) scandals remain unresolved. However Ann Waiguru, who resigned in connection with the 1st NYS scandal is today the Governor of Kirinyaga County.

Between 2013 and 2017, which is not even a five year election cycle as stipulated in the Kenyan Constitution, four Governors were impeached namely; Martin Wambora of Embu County, Francis Mwangi wa Iria of Muranga County, Nderitu Gachagua of Nyeri County and Prof. Paul Chepkwony of Kericho County. All four survived impeachment. Muranga County and Nyeri County, mentioned above, are in Central Province, regarded as Kenya’s most progressive Province, so if Central Province is in trouble, what is the state of Kenya’s other seven provinces, because impeachments are not a good sign, they are a sign of trouble…? And that’s not all, between 2013 and 2017, the Makueni County Assembly resolved to dissolve itself. President Uhuru Kenyatta thereafter appointed a Commission chaired by Mohammed Nyaoga to collect views from the Makueni citizenry, to establish whether this was truly the wish of the people of Makueni County. The people of Makueni County confirmed to the Mohammed Nyaoga led Commission, that this was indeed their wish. President Uhuru Kenyatta disregarded the findings of Mohammed Nyaoga’s Commission, and the Makueni County remained in place until 2017. Remember above how Kiraitu Murungi in late 2002 and early 2003 told then outgoing Kenyan President Daniel T. arap Moi to go and “look after goats” on his Kabarak Farm and witness what “good governance was” as he “tended to his goats…?”

Further, between 2013 and 2019, one of Uhuru Kenyatta’s sisters was implicated in the scandal at the Health Ministry in which 5 billion Kenya Shillings was allegedly lost. Also between 2013 and 2019, Moses Wetangula (“Weta”) and Hon. Martha Karua were implicated in a bribery scandal involving British American Tobacco Public Liability Company, B.A.T. PLC, and one Paul Hopkins. And then there are seven arrest warrants that have been issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC) since 2013, related to the Post Election Violence in Kenya of 2007 and 2008, arrest warrants that have not been effected by the Kenya Government.

None of the 2013 to 2019 scandals have been satisfactorily concluded, just like none of the 1992 to 2013 scandals have been satisfactorily concluded, and indeed, just like none of the 1963 to 1992 scandals have been satisfactorily concluded.

The citizens of the Republic of Kenya continue to be taken around in endless circles by a small elite at the top, and this is very unfortunate. No substantive and lasting wealth has been generated in Kenya since 1963, though there have been an endless avalanche of scandals since 1963, which a small minority have benefited from and continue to benefit from.

The offences of small men and small women are concluded speedily in Kenya, many a time by lynchings/mob justice, while those of the elite, as illustrated above, drag on endlessly.

The common man in Kenya is being kept busy in endless meaningless intrigue and endless meaningless hardship in five year election cycles in which there are never ending reincarnations and conflicts between the Kenya African National Union (KANU) and the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU), between KANU and the Kenya Peoples Union (KPU), between Jomo Kenyatta and Oginga Odinga, between KANU -“A” and KANU -“B”, between “Tangatanga” and “Kieleweke”, between Hon. Maina Kamanda and Hon. Ndindi Nyoro, and between Dr. Ekuru Aukot and a Constitutional Referendum and Sen. Yusuf Hajji and the Building Bridges Initiative (BBI), as the poor in Kenya grow poorer, and as the rich in Kenya retain their wealth, status and positions. Who is to blame? The Kenyan citizenry, the Kenyan elite, or both? If we cannot run this country maybe we should ask Queen Elizabeth II and the Brits if they are interested in reestablishing Kenya as a British Crown Colony, instead of continuing to deceive ourselves that we are a “free and sovereign country” in which hunger, despair, desperation, hopelessness and poverty abound. Ironically, Black slaves in America during slavery are better off than significant numbers of “free Kenyans” today because Black slaves on plantations during slavery, if nothing more, were assured of shelter, at least one or two meals a day, water to drink and bath, medical care and clothing.            

Was Robert Gabriel Mugabe an icon, or a brutal dictator, an autocrat and a despot?

Many of us in Africa view Robert Gabriel Mugabe as an icon, a hero and a legend, if only because of his forced confiscation of White owned farms in Zimbabwe in the year 2000, even though the main beneficiaries of the forced confiscations of White owned farms in Zimbabwe in the year 2000, were individuals in Mugabe’s inner circle. For example, Robert Mugabe’s one time Vice-President, Joyce Mujuru, acquired a 3,000 acre ranch from the forced land confiscations of White owned farms in Zimbabwe of the year 2000. It was not ordinary landless Zimbabweans who were the beneficiaries of the forced land confiscations of White owned farms in Zimbabwe in the year 2000.

The whole matter of forced land confiscations of White owned farms in Zimbabwe in the year 2000 in the first place, was a sham from the very start i.e. Robert Mugabe lost a crucial referendum in Zimbabwe in the year 2000 to change the Zimbabwean Constitution, which was a major blow and major humiliation to Mugabe. How did Mugabe respond to his humiliating loss at the Zimbabwe Constitutional Referendum of the year 2000…? With his so-called forcible confiscation of White owned farms in Zimbabwe i.e. it was a knee-jerk reaction, a populist and futile move on Mugabe’s side to “prove” to the people of Zimbabwe that he was still a “revolutionary.” And then to add insult to injury, and as mentioned above, it was Mugabe and his inner circle who benefited from the said confiscations of White owned farms in Zimbabwe in the year 2000 e.g. his second wife Grace, his one time Vice-President Joyce Mujuru (mentioned above), Cabinet Ministers in the Zimbabwe Government then, Members of Parliament in Zimbabwe then, Permanent Secretaries in the Zimbabwe Government then, and senior officers in the Zimbabwe Military then i.e. Generals, Brigadiers and Colonels, were among the small Black elite in Zimbabwe then, that acquired big land holdings/ranches from confiscations of White owned farms in Zimbabwe in the year 2000. And it was not all Whites who were affected by Robert Mugabe’s forced confiscations of land in Zimbabwe in the year 2000. For example Ian Douglas Smith, who was the White Prime Minister of Zimbabwe (then known as Rhodesia) at the time of Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980, was not affected at all and neither was his family. Why? Ian Douglas Smith was well connected, and Ian Douglas Smith sold out his fellow Whites in Zimbabwe in the name of self-preservation. It’s like what happened here in Kenya soon after independence in 1963 i.e. several Whites and Asians were hurriedly hounded out of Kenya in the name of Jomo Kenyatta’s hurriedly effected Africanisation and Kenyanisation policy, though wealthy White Kenyan families and wealthy Asian Kenyan families were left unaffected and unscathed by Africanisation and Kenyanisation for instance, the Delameres, the Manjis and the Chandarias. The double standards applied in Jomo Kenyatta’s hurriedly effected Africanisation and Kenyanisation policy, were the very same double standards applied by Robert Mugabe in his equally hurriedly effected confiscation of White owned farms in Zimbabwe in the year 2000. The confiscation of White owned farms in Zimbabwe in the year 2000 were a charade, a red herring, and a decoy, who’s real aim and goal was to transfer wealth and property from a “small White minority” to a “small Black minority,” and as mentioned not all in the “small White minority” were affected e.g. the well connected Ian Douglas Smith.

Aside and apart from the fraudulent “land redistribution” in Zimbabwe of the year 2000, Robert Gabriel Mugabe and his regime in Zimbabwe presided over most unfortunate, brutal & horrifying “ethnic cleansing” in Zimbabwe between the years 1983 and 1987, what is referred to as “Gukurahundi,” in which members of Mugabe’s majority Shona tribe, in State backed and State organised terror attacks, targeted & murdered in cold blood, the smaller but sizable Ndebele tribe of Zimbabwe, and in which approximately 20,000 Ndebeles lost their lives. Some estimates put it at 30,000 Ndebeles having lost their lives, other estimates put it even as high as 100,000 Ndebeles having lost their lives during “Gukurahundi,” one of the most shameful episodes in history, and one of the saddest and most tragic cover-ups in history.

In comparison, the genocide against the Herero in South West Africa (as Namibia was then known), by the Germans during World War I, claimed 100,000 lives, so it is difficult to see why anyone, most of all Africans, would want to celebrate someone like Robert Gabriel Mugabe, and at the same “hate, condemn & curse” Germans. As mentioned, the Germans are said to have murdered 100,000 Hereros in the genocide of South West Africa/Namibia of World War I, and certain estimates put the number of Ndebeles murdered between 1983 and 1987 in the genocide perpetrated by Robert Mugabe’s regime at 100,000, so what is the difference between the Germans of World War I, and Robert Mugabe? Here in Kenya, we still retain a particular “hatred and distaste” for the British, because it is estimated that approximately 11,000 Black Kenyans were killed or hanged by the British during the State of Emergency of 1952 to 1960, yet 11,000 comes nowhere close to the 100,000 native Namibians estimated to have been killed by the Germans during World War I, or the 100,000 Ndebeles estimated to have been killed by Robert Mugabe’s regime in Zimbabwe between the years 1983 and 1987, in what is referred to as “Gukurahundi.” So how can many Africans therefore claim to hate for instance, Germans and the British, and at the same time claim to love Robert Mugabe? And what have the millions of Africans who have gotten European Union citizenships since 1992, done to seek redress for the Herero and the Ndebele murdered in South West Africa/Namibia and Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe?

In short, if Robert Mugabe is a hero and an icon, then so also is Wilhelm II who was the German Kaiser (German Emperor), at the time of the genocide by the Germans on the Herero in South West Africa/Namibia during World War I, so also is King Leopold II of Belgium under whose brutal misrule of 1885 to 1908 in the Democratic Republic of Congo (then known as the Congo Free State), between five and ten million native Congolese died as a result of colonial brutality and colonial exploitation, so also is Queen Elizabeth II of the United Kingdom, under whom 11,000 native Kenyans are said to have been killed or hanged during the State of Emergency in Kenya of 1952 to 1960, so also are Queen Victoria, King George V, King Edward VIII and King George VI of the United Kingdom under whom an unspecified number of native Kenyans were killed in the East Africa Protectorate/British East Africa/the Colony and Protectorate of Kenya, from 1885 to 1952, and so also are Ivan the Terrible, Adolf Hitler, Benito Mussolini, Gen. Francisco Franco, Joseph Stalin, Pol Pot, Francisco Macias Nguema, Francois “Papa Doc” Duvalier, Jean Claude “Baby Doc” Duvalier, Jean Bedel Bokassa, El-Hajj Idi Amin Dada Oumee and Saddam Hussein.

Zimbabwe today is one of the most impoverished countries in the world, where the Zimbabwe Dollar collapsed, and where no so long ago, Zimbabweans were using a basket of foreign currencies in day-to-day transactions for example the US dollar, the Euro, the South African Rand, the British Sterling Pound, the Japanese Yen, and the Chinese Yuan. Not even at two of Kenya’s “darkest hours”, the oil embargo of 1973 brought about by the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), and during the hyper-inflation of 1993 & 1994, did the Kenya Shilling collapse, necessitating us to abandon the Kenya Shilling as did Zimbabweans the Zimbabwean Dollar.

Robert Gabriel Mugabe made a mess out of Zimbabwe, probably a bigger mess than El-Hajj Idi Amin Dada Oumee made out of Uganda. To admire Robert Gabriel Mugabe is to admire genocide, brutality, despotism, retrogression, and both economic plunder and economic devastation.

These so called “revolutionaries” such as Robert Gabriel Mugabe, are a disaster and a disappointment.
             

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